Federalism is a political ideology like Socialism and Communism. Federalism describes a system of government where some powers belong to the national government, and some powers belong to the state government. On the other hand, Ethnic federalism is a form of federal system in which the federated regional or state units are defined by ethnicity. This system divides states, provinces, or regions based on ethnic lines. Since different ethnicities have been mingling with each other for hundreds of years it is a difficult task to draw the lines where one begins and the other ends, causing border disputes immediately (ACCORD).
Many scholars believe the root cause of Ethiopia’s ethnic problems starts with Italy. The Italians, driven by their desire to colonize Ethiopia, invaded Ethiopia twice. In 1889, the Italians tried to deceive Emperor Minilk II with the Treaty of Wuchale, which led to war. Italy and Ethiopia faced each other at the Battle of Adewa, in which the Ethiopians had a decisive victory. Angered by the outcome of the war, Italy planned and plotted for four decades and came back the second time to invade Ethiopia during World War II. This time they had a plan on how to fragment the ethnic fabric that held Ethiopia together. The plan was simple but deadly. Their false narratives depicted the Amharas as a colonizer and oppressors. They associated the monarchy and the Orthodox Church with the Amhara hegemony. This narrative failed during the five-year occupation but later with the rise of Conflict Theory and Socialism, it got a young audience with Tigrayan and Oromo students (“Italian Narratives About the Amhara Helped Lay the Seeds of Genocide in Ethiopia | Africa at LSE”).
Since the Solomonic Dynasty was established by the House of Amhara, groups that despise the monarchy depict all Amharas as being the benefactors of the system. Though the monarchy has benefited many from all walks of life, tribes, and ethnicities, today the monarchy is solely associated with the Amharas alone. This guilt by association is used to justify the genocidal attacks on Amharas today (“Italian Narratives About the Amhara Helped Lay the Seeds of Genocide in Ethiopia | Africa at LSE”).
In the 21st century, we are accustomed to the word Genocide. Genocide was first recognized as a crime under international law in 1946 by the United Nations General Assembly (A/RES/96-I). It was categorized as an independent crime in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (the Genocide Convention). The Convention has been ratified by 153 States (as of April 2022). The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has repeatedly stated that the Convention embodies principles that are part of general customary international law. This means that whether States have ratified the Genocide Convention, they are all bound as a matter of law by the principle that genocide is a crime prohibited under international law. The ICJ has also stated that the prohibition of genocide is a peremptory norm of international law and consequently, no derogation from it is allowed. (United Nations) Using these UN articles as a basis for their advocacy, many Amhara groups such as the Amhara Association of America (AAA) have been pleading with the international community for action. “The atrocities committed against the Amhara in Ethiopia’s Oromia Region conform to the Ten-Stage pattern of Genocide outlined by Genocide Watch” (“LEGAL ANALYSIS ON THE ONGOING AMHARA GENOCIDE”).
In a commentary published in Addis Standard magazine, Professor Amanuel Tesfaye writes that born out of the Marxism-Leninism Socialism ideology Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia was conceived and implemented by TPLF led by Meles Zenawi. A Tigray separatist group known as TPLF (Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front) was in part shaped by Fascist Italy’s false narratives of Ethiopian history, Amhara dominance, and ethnic politics. TPLF in its 1976 manifesto declared the Orthodox church and the Amhara people as its enemies. In 1991 after the defeat of the DERG socialist government, groups such as TPLF and OLF (Oromo Liberation Front) with the help of the Western powers implemented Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia. The Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), for instance, believed that the root cause of oppression and injustice in Ethiopia lies in “Amhara’s chauvinistic great nation” mentality, thus making its struggle a de facto attempt to eliminate this mentality within the Amhara. The first-ever manifesto of the party blatantly describes its struggle as “anti-Amhara national oppression”, clearly identifying the Amhara as the principal enemy along with imperialism. The Oromo Liberation Movement (OLF), perceiving Ethiopia to be characterized by “Amhara dominance”, oriented its fight towards “liberating” the Oromo by overthrowing this oppression. As Mohammed Hassan succinctly put it, “Oromo nationalism emerged partly out of the struggle against Amhara domination”, which has been showing its strength with the ever-growing violence against the Amharas in the past five years (Aregawi, “Commentary: The Birth of Amhara Nationalism: Causes, Aspirations, and Potential Impacts”).
After 1991, the country’s geography was split based on languages. This system gave the majority of spoken language dominance and left minorities unrepresented. Suddenly people became an outsider to a place where their ancestors lived for thousands of years. This directly affected the Amharas who were living across Ethiopia. Attacks on Amharas started to take place. In Gura Ferda, Weter, Woliqait, Raya, and other places Amharas became a target for ethnic cleansing and genocidal attacks. With ethnic federalism becoming the law of the land supported by the Constitution, the Amharas faced an existential threat (“Ethiopia Faces Dire Consequences of Ethnic Federalism”).
Since 1991 Amharas have been marginalized politically, economically, and without representation. Amharas became minorities in many regions even though the lands they resided in were their ancestral home. They found themselves being classified as oppressors and settlers. They were given derogatory terms such as “Neftegna” to justify the attacks on them. The Amharas stood firm in their belief in Ethiopian nationalism and refused to organize as an ethnic Amhara for decades. In those decades they became the targets of ethnic cleansing and genocidal attacks by Tigrayans, Oromo, and Gumuz forces. They became victims of forced displacement, sterilization, persecution, mass arrests, and massacres. Historical Amhara lands were taken by Tigrayans, Oromos, Gumuz, and Sudan. Amharas residing in these places faced genocide. While these crimes were taking place, the TPLF appointed the puppet government Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), and its leadership did nothing to stop the ongoing silent genocide. Author Professor Amanuel Tesfaye describes ANDM’s roles in governing the Amharas as follows, the logical role of the party (ANDM) seemed to be that of disciplining the Amhara people instead of representing and advancing its interests. From its inception, most of the first-generation leaders of ANDM who were not born in and hadn’t lived with the community and hence alien to the psychological makeup of the people have been unimaginative enough to make a mockery of the aspirations of their constituency. Worse yet still, some of its leaders tried to justify, and encourage in some cases, the persecution of the Amharic-speaking people in some parts of the country during the transition period (Aregawi).
Regarding the root cause of Ethiopia’s ethnic conflicts, Professor Berhanu Girma in his “Ethiopia: Mass-Atrocities, Genocide in Oromia Region Against Amhara People” paper writes that the language-based federal system is responsible for the Amhara’s suffering and persecution because Amharas in various regional states are now considered migrants and settlers in their own country. The author explained that the government of Ethiopia has failed in its duty to protect the safety of its citizens. Ethiopia’s language-based federal system is partly the cause for the killings: According to Professor Berhanu, the redrawn regional maps by the TPLF, Ethnic Amharas residing outside of the Amhara region are being labeled as outsiders and are exposed to repeated attacks. Berhanu concluded that the government seems to be rather too busy with justifying and socializing citizens that they are comfortable with discrimination in different aspects (Berhanu).
On the solution to Ethiopia’s current predicament, Dr. Bekalu Atnafu Taye, Assistant professor at Kotebe Metropolitan University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, suggests that Federalism, not ethnic, if appropriately applied, ‘might be an effective method of bringing about political stability and order’ but in the Ethiopian case, the politicization of ethnic identity by self-seeking political leaders causes political instability. The desire of the self-seeking political leaders is manifested through the politicization of tribal identity in their design of the federal states, fiscal federalism, and the dominant-party system. He adds that, all these (politicization of tribal identity, design of the federal states, fiscal federalism, and dominant party) cause ethnic conflict and anomaly in the country. The author concludes that to remedy this acute systemic illness, the ‘government’ must stop politicizing human diversity and the ethnic federal arrangement in Ethiopia needs an urgent reconsideration. A non-ethnic, non-tribal multi-party democracy must be established as the only viable option that could more effectively address the typical causes of conflict and guarantee stability, equity, and economic development (ACCORD).
In 2018, there was a change in Ethiopia that the Amharas helped bring forth. There was hope for a new beginning. Abiy Ahmed, an Oromo leader, was supported by everyone from different walks of life based on a promise he made to bring unity and Ethiopian nationalism. The change was short-lived. Since then, Abiy and the Oromo elites have been determined to create an Oromo hegemony at the consequences of the minorities. The Amhara plight has gotten worse and critical in the last five years. Since Abiy’s ascent, the country has witnessed two civil wars, concentration camps, millions of IDPs (Internally Displaced People), countless massacres, and active genocide against the Amhara people. Amharas in Oromia, Benishangul, and Tigray regions faced horrors. Places such as Welega, Metekel, Maykadra, and many others saw crimes against humanity and genocide. The killings were gruesome and barbaric. Millions were left homeless in their own country (“Ethnic Violence Against Amhara People: The ECLJ Issues Urgent Letter to the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide”).